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Thursday, December 30, 2010

MAMATA BANERJEE COMPELS P. CHIDAMBRAM TO SURRENDER. SHAME ON P. CHIDAMBRAM WHO IS MORE INTERESTED TO DEFEND MAOIST TO SAVE HIS CORRUPT GOVERNMENT.

D.O. No. 119-CM

December 28, 2010

Dear Shri Chidambram,

Kindly refer to your secret letter dated 21/22 December, 2010 which had been published in the media before it reached my office on 27.12.2010 at 11 A.M.

Your assessment of the situation in the State of West Bengal is surprising and is far from an impartial overview of the situation. Maoists have spread from across the bordering states and with the help of small section of local people are creating problems mostly in 28 police stations in three districts of West Bengal. They are trying to create their own areas of dominance. They are indiscriminately killing political opponents and even innocent people. They are attacking police stations, police camps and looting arms. They are also engaged in large scale extortions and other unlawful activities.

You are fully aware of these activities of the Maoists. The greatest challenge is how to contain the Maoists and defeat them finally both administratively and politically.

In recent times State and Central Police through their joint efforts have achieved major successes. Peace and normalcy have been restored in vast areas. People who were evicted earlier are going back to their homes. Govt/Panchayat office are functioning normally and so are the schools, markets and shops. Life is gradually coming back to normalcy in these areas but still we have problem in the areas bordering our state. Trinamool Congress which was earlier maintaining secret contacts with Maoist leaders and outfits are now openly organising meetings with them.

CPI (M) and it allies are trying their best to resist the Maoists by mobilizing people against them and in the process have lost more than 170 of their workers and leaders. Unfortunately, you are now blaming them for the present state of affairs. I am afraid it will divert the attention of all concerned who are struggling against Maoists, the greatest threat to our internal security.

As regards political clashes mentioned in your letter I would like to correct your figures. 32 Trinamool Congress supporters have been killed and 601 have suffered injuries while CPI (M) have lost 69 of their cadres and another 723 have been injured. Indian National Congress has lost one of their supporters and 111 have been injured during the period mentioned in your letter. I, however, agree that it is not a happy situation and I am doing my best to stop these senseless killings. I have repeatedly appealed to all the opposition parties to cooperate. All the parties except Trinamool Congress have come forward to cooperate. Trinamool Congress has refused to talk to administration. I am trying to disarm and demoblise all armed groups engaged in violence in some pockets of the state.

I strongly object to your using the word “Harmed” to mean the CPI (M) party workers without knowing the actual meaning of this nasty word coined by Trinamool Congress leaders.

More when we meet.

With regards,

Yours sincerely,

Sd/-

Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee

Shri P. Chidambram

Union Home Minister

New Delhi-110 001

P. CHIDAMBRAM UNDER PRESSURE OF MAMATA BANERJEE MALIGNS CPI (M) TO SAVE CORRUPT UPA GOVERNMENT


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PEOPLE’S DEMOCRACY ON DICHOTOMY IN GOVT’S PROCLAMATIONS AND PRACTICE

THE plenary session of the AICC was held at Burari, in rural Delhi at a time when the Congress-led UPA government is being battered by corruption scandals, one after another. The triumphalist mood engendered by the May 2009 Lok Sabha elections has dissipated. Relentless price rise, an intractable agrarian crisis and narrowing employment opportunities have severely dented the “aam admi” platform of the Congress. The organisation is facing increasing problems -- the revolt by Jaganmohan Reddy in Andhra Pradesh and the failure to achieve any breakthrough in the Bihar assembly elections being pointers.

Faced with the avalanche of corruption and the loss of credibility of the prime minister and the government in tackling such scandals, the Congress leadership decided that offence is the best form of defence. It accused the BJP of hypocrisy while talking about corruption and correctly pointed to the record of the NDA government and the present Karnataka government. However, the political resolution has accused the CPI (M) too of actively indulging in corruption in the states where it runs governments. The Congress party knows very well that not a single minister in the Left-led governments is facing a corruption charge. The speech of the Congress president sought to put the Congress on a high moral pedestal as far as corruption is concerned by claiming to have taken prompt action in removing chief ministers and ministers even before corruption charges were established against them. What is not admitted is that the chief minister of Maharashtra and others had to be removed when it became untenable for them to continue in office in the light of mounting evidence of wrong doing.

There is no sign of realisation that the Congress party has become steeped in corruption due to the nexus of big business and government which has developed under its dispensation. The Congress leadership sees nothing wrong in having its ministers in government promoting the interests of big corporates and getting favours in return. The refusal of the UPA government to have a joint parliamentary committee enquiry into the 2G spectrum scandal stands out as an example of how the Congress refuses to come to terms with the rot that has set in the higher echelons of the government.

Both the political and economic resolutions adopted in the session seek to portray the party as pursuing social democratic policies. This is just a camouflage. The economic resolution talks of the rights of the people as the centerpiece of its policies of inclusive growth. The right to work, the right to education, the right to land, the right to food etc. But there is a curious dichotomy in the proclamation of these rights and the practice of the government. The economic resolution declares that “the right to land has been, by and large, assured to the tiller of the land”. This breathtaking pronouncement ignores the fact that land reforms have not been implemented in most states except in a limited fashion. All over the country the peasantry is being dispossessed of land thanks to the policy of helping the land grab by the corporates and mining companies. The right to food remains a distant dream for the millions who are hungry and malnutritioned. The primary responsibility for this is the central government’s policy of eroding and limiting the public distribution system. The resolution vainly tries to put the blame on the state governments.

The resolution talks of the key role for the public sector when the Manmohan Singh government is busy selling off shares of the most profitable public sector enterprises. It tries to mislead the people by assuring that having 51 per cent equity will ensure government control. The right to education is being curtailed by the new policies of the UPA government which seeks to promote an elite educational system catering to the better off and privileged sections through rampant commercialisation and privatisation.

On the political issues, the political resolution attacks the CPI (M) and the Left by making the false allegation that in West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura there is a cycle of violence for political or electoral advance. In West Bengal, the Congress party is playing the role of a junior partner to the Trinamul Congress in its violent assaults on the CPI (M) and the Left. In districts like Murshidabad and Burdhaman, the Congress party is resorting to physical attacks on CPI (M) cadres. In Tripura, the Congress has the history from the time of Rajiv Gandhi of allying with the separatist forces which have been indulging in terrorist violence just to weaken the CPI (M) and the Left Front. In Kerala, the Congress party does not have any hesitation in joining hands with the caste and communal forces to fight the CPI (M) and the LDF.

The political resolution resorts to a canard by accusing the Left parties of working in tandem with the BJP in opposing the Congress and the UPA. The CPI (M) and the Left are opposed to the economic and foreign policy positions of the Congress and the UPA government. In fact it is the Congress and the BJP that have a common approach of following neo-liberal economic policies and a pro-US foreign policy.

The foreign policy resolution reads like a report card of the external affairs ministry of the UPA government. It seeks to mask the reality that India has moved into the orbit of the United States as far as foreign policy is concerned. One of the Wikileaks cables from the US embassy in New Delhi stated with satisfaction that Indian officials are coordinating foreign policy with the United States, though they are loathe to admit this publicly. The resolution states that “The traditional leadership role of India in leading from the front the Third World and movements for emancipation of Asia and Africa has evolved into a 21st century leadership for an equitable global order.” If only this were true. There is no doubt that India has abandoned the leading role in the third world and movements for emancipation. What has replaced it is a quest for becoming a “global power” under US auspices.

On the completion of 125 years of its foundation, the Congress party shows symptoms of decay which has set in due to the corrosive effects of becoming an instrument of the big bourgeoisie naked for power and privileges divorced from the problems and issues of the “aam admi”.

(December 22, 2010)

Source: www.pd.cpim.org/

SONARPUR: WEST BENGAL STATE GOVERNMENT EMPLOYEES PLEDGE TO RESIST TERROR BEING CREATED BY BUTCHERS OF MAMATA BANERJEE

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CPI (M) DEMANDS: RESOLVE FARMERS PROBLEM URGENTLY IN ANDHRA PRADESH

AS the indefinite fast undertaken by the TDP President and former chief minister Chandrababu Naidu entered the fifth day, his medical condition is precarious with doctors emphasising the urgent need to give fluids to prevent a tragedy. As the talks held by a group of three state ministers with Naidu failed, the former chief minister is adamant on continuing the fast till the government yields to the demand for a special package to the farmers who lost their crops due to severe rainfall recently.

CPI(M) Polit Bureau member and state secretary, B V Raghavulu was among the host of leaders who called on Naidu in the Nizam's Institute of Medical Sciences (NIMS) hospital and expressed solidarity on December 21. RSP leader Abani Roy, CPI state secretary K Narayana also called on Naidu.

Later, speaking to reporters Raghavulu urged the government and the Congress to see the farmers problem from people's standpoint instead of as a political issue. He wanted the government to urgently find a solution to the problems of farmers who have suffered severe losses and many of who are committing suicides. He reminded that earlier also when such indefinite fasts were undertaken, the governments had found solutions and resolved the issue. Raghavulu also called on the central government and Congress high command to respond on this issue. He warned about a united opposition intensifying the agitation further if the governments do not respond.

At the time of writing this on December 22, activists belonging to TDP, CPI (M) and CPI were conducting siege of district collectorate offices across the state protesting governments careless attitude on this issue. In Warangal, the police resorted to lathicharge and arrested TDP MLAs and Left parties leaders during the agitation resulting in tension in the area.

Source: www.pd.cpim.org/

ALL INDIA KISHAN SABHA TO LAUNCH AGITATIONS AGAINST ANTI PEOPLE POLICIES OF UPA GOVERNMENT

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SONARPUR: COMRADE TAPAN SEN, GENERAL SECRETARY, CITU, SPEAKS AT THE CONFERENCE OF WB STATE GOVT EMPLOYEES COORDINATION COMMITTEE

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ON LOCAL BODY ELECTION RESULTS IN KERALA - N S SAJITH

THE results of the local body elections in Kerala have once again proved that the base of the Left and Democratic Front (LDF) is intact in the state. Comparing to the result of 2009 Lok Sabha elections, the LDF’s performance in these elections is much better and the front retains the confidence in the run up for the assembly election which is due in April 2011.

The LDF had won only four Lok Sabha seats out of the total 20 in 2009 Lok Sabha elections. The 2009 verdict gave the United Democratic Front (UDF) a thumping majority in all constituencies except Kozhikode. Most of its candidates won with a majority of more than one lakh votes. Only in Kozhikode seat, the UDF candidate had won with a narrow margin of 700 odd votes.

In the present civic polls, the UDF couldn’t be successful to maintain its winning spree of the 2009 Lok Sabha elections. Though the LDF suffered marginal setback in two corporations, various municipalities, and panchayats, the improved performance of the ruling front from the defeat of Lok Sabha elections is the significant factor in the analysis of results. The LDF retains the power in Thiruvanathapuram and Kollam corporations while UDF gains control over Cochin and Thrissur corporations. Thus, this result is a befitting reply to those forces who had written off LDF after 2009 Lok Sabha elections.

As we compare the results of 2005 panchayat election, the UDF has gained many seats in three tier panchayats, municipalities and corporations this time. The stimulated UDF camp is much enthused in celebrating the victory. But the most alarming and significant aspect of this election is the gains of communal forces. Both Hindu and Muslim fundamentalist forces of Kerala were hand in glove with the UDF. In many seats this tacit understanding was explicit. The BJP has improved its tally in panchayats, municipalities and corporations with the help of Congress. The Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI), which was formed recently by Muslim fundamentalists, has also opened its account in three municipalities.

A section of Christian priests openly came forward and appealed the believers not to vote for non-believers. Soon after the results were announced, the Kerala Catholic Bishop Conference termed the verdict as the defeat of pseudo secularists. The Syro Malabar Sabha also repeated the same. The consolidation of communal forces was overt throughout the UDF campaign as Congress leaders publicly quoted a section of clergy who openly came out against the LDF. The reason behind the wrath of the priests was the Left's opposition to the involvement of religion in politics.

The LDF won 18 municipalities out of the total of 59 while UDF won in 39 municipalities. In district, block, grama panchayaths, the LDF has suffered minor setbacks as compared to the results of 2005. As the final reports came, the LDF got 5 district panchayaths and the UDF got 8. In block pachayaths, the UDF has an edge as they got 82 out of total 152. In grama panchayaths, the UDF gained the control of 538 while the LDF got 355. The BJP won in 12 panchayaths. These figures are subject to change as the result of Kozhikode district are to come only on October 31.

Results of Corporations

LDF

UDF

BJP

Others

Thiruvananthapuram (100)

51

41

6

2

Kollam (55)

34

19

0

2

Kochi (74)

24

46

2

2

Thrissur (55)

6

45

2

2

The Left bastions like Kannur, Kasargode and Palakkad kept their legacy in this election also by electing the LDF candidates with huge margins. Koothuparamba, Thalasseri, Thlipparamba and Payyannur have been won by the LDF. The UDF retained Kannur municipality. Though LDF has lost Thrissur corporation, the front won in 3 municipalities out of the six in the district. Apart from Kannur, the better performances in Thiruvananthapuram, Kollam, Alappulzha, Thrissur also shows the strength of LDF in these districts.

Results of Panchayats

LDF

UDF

BJP

Municipalitie (57)

18

38

0

Dist. Panchayats (14)

5

8

0

Block Panchayats (152)

58

82

0

Grama Panchayats (978)

355

538

12

Results of Kozhikode is on 31 oct.

Source: www.pd.cpim.org

Vol. XXXIV, No. 44, October 31, 2010

MSP FOR RABI CROPS: THE ALL INDIA KISAN SABHA (AIKS) DEMANDS REVIEW, ADEQUATE HIKES

THE All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) has strongly condemned the utter callousness of the government of India to the demands of the farmers regarding the minimum support prices (MSP) of rabi crops, a part of which has already come to the market.

Through a press statement issued from New Delhi by AIKS president S Ramachandran Pillai and general secretary K Varadha Rajan on October 21, the AIKS said the Congress-led UPA government has betrayed the crisis-stricken farmers of our country by announcing a paltry increase in MSP of rabi crops, turning a blind eye to the exorbitant increases in the input costs. The MSP announced on October 20 is unacceptable and is an insult to the toiling peasantry, the AIKS added.

The organisation opined that the UPA government’s bluff must be called and the misrepresentation of facts to create an impression that the MSP is remunerative or “handsome” must be exposed. Certain points are worth noting in this regard.

The government has depended entirely on the cost of cultivation data provided by the Department of Economics and Statistics and mechanically computed the MSP. These figures are unrealistic and far below the actual expenses incurred by the farmers.

The cost calculations by the state governments, farmers’ representatives and the AIKS --- presented before the Commission on Agricultural Costs & Prices (CACP) in its meeting on June 25, are much higher. The AIKS has also noted in this regard that the CACP, which recommends the MSP for different crops after consultation with different state governments and farmers’ representatives, has no right to verify the actual costs incurred for cultivation of different crops.

The AIKS took particular exception to the fact that the government has not bothered to take note of the extraordinary situation in fertiliser prices as well as fuel prices other than the increases in the costs of other inputs while determining the MSP. While urea prices have increased by 10 per cent, the prices of DAP and MoP in the domestic market have risen by over 20 per cent according to available information.

Giving facts and figures, the organisation noted that when compared to huge increases in input costs, it is to be noted that the MSP of wheat in 2010-11 has been fixed at merely Rs 1,120 per quintal which is an increase of a paltry Rs 20 or 1.8 per cent over the 2009-10 MSP. This is at total variance with the AIKS proposal of Rs 1,700 per quintal. Wheat, on the other hand, is being imported at higher prices from countries like Australia and the USA. Recently the landed cost of imported wheat from Australia was Rs 1,417.50 per quintal at Tuticorin port excluding other charges.

Similarly, the increase in the price of rapeseed and mustard is merely 1.09 per cent. In the case of gram and masur, an effort is being made to portray it as though it is a substantial increase. It has to be noted, however, that these crops grown in semi-arid conditions with a high risk factor and the prices don’t provide any incentive to farmers. One cannot miss the fact that the market price of gram and masur is almost five times higher than the MSP. The proposals put forward by the AIKS and all the state governments were far higher than the MSP announced.

In the light of these facts, the AIKS has demanded a review of and adequate hikes in the MSP of the different rabi crops. It also stands for a consensus on calculation of the cost of cultivation through a consultation with state governments, experts and peasant organisations, for setting at rest the discrepancies in the calculation of cost of cultivation. All MSP calculation must be based on such a consensus and should be at least 50 per cent above the cost of cultivation.

COMPARISON OF AIKS PROPOSALS WITH THE MSP ANNOUNCED

Commodity

MSP for 2009-10

MSP for 2010-11

Increase in MSP over 2009-10

Percentage Increase over 2009-10

AIKS Proposals

to CACP

Wheat

1100

1120

20

1.8

1700

Barley

750

780

30

4

1300

Gram

1760

2100

340

19.3

3000

Masur (Lentil)

1870

2250

380

20.32

4000

Rapeseed/ Mustard

1830

1850

20

1.09

3000

Safflower

1680

1800

120

7.14

3000

Source: www.pd.cpim.org

Vol. XXXIV, No. 44, October 31, 2010

WORKERS DETERMINED TO SAVE BSNL - V A N NAMBOODIRI

THERE is no better example than that of the Bharat Sanchar Nigam Ltd (BSNL), a fully government owned telecom company, of to how a profitable public sector undertaking (PSU) can be made unviable and gradually killed. Of course, nobody can forget the case of Air India-Indian Airlines which is in a bailout process today.

CHANGE IN ATTITUDE

One may recall that soon after independence, the government of India under Pt Jawaharlal Nehru realised the extreme importance of the PSUs for developing and expanding the core industries as also for preparing the basic infrastructure. The private sector neither had the finance and technology needed for this huge task nor the inclination to invest in such fields. The PSUs were then the answer. Accordingly, many PSUs were established within a few years of independence.

Apart from this process, some of the PSUs came into existence during the 1950s and 1960s through the nationalisation of loss making private companies. These included many private textile companies which were transformed into the National Textile Corporation (NTC). Many private banks, which were mismanaged, were also nationalised. The ESSO and Burma Shell were nationalised, forming the HPCL and BPCL. This ensured better and transparent functioning of the nationalised companies.

But the neo-liberal policy of globalisation and privatisation, initiated by the central government in the early 1990s, involved a complete change in the government’s attitude towards the PSUs. Private sector became the priority. “Business is not the business of the government” became its watchword. Certain government departments were targeted for privatisation. However, since it was very difficult to accomplish this task in one stroke, the government started converting departmental services into corporations, which could later be privatised.

In this scenario, telecom was one of the fast developing sectors which the government wanted to hand over to private hands. Accordingly, overseas communications was converted into a PSU called the Videsh Sanchar Nigam Ltd (VSNL), telecom services in Delhi and Bombay were converted into the Mahanagar Telecom Nigam Limited (MTNL) and, lastly, the DTS, DOT and DTO were converted into the Bharat Sanchar Nigam Limited (BSNL).

FORMATION OF THE BSNL

The unions in the sector protested and went on a strike against this corporatisation, but at last an agreement was reached and the Bharat Sanchar Nigam Limited was formed on October 1, 2000.

The government assured that to ensure the financial viability of the BSNL, reimbursement of licence fee, payment of access deficit charges (ADC) collected from private companies, as also the grant from Universal Service Obligation Fund towards providing services in the loss making rural and remote areas, but as a part of the social commitment of government for universal service, will be granted to the BSNL. These assurances were honoured for a few years but are were either stopped or drastically reduced later, in violation of the government’s commitment.

Favouritism to private companies started even before the BSNL’s formation. These companies were granted licences to provide mobile services in 1995, but it was denied to both DoT and MTNL. The BSNL and MTNL were granted mobile licences only in 2002, 6 to 7 years after they were given to private telecom companies (telcos). This gave the latter an undue advantage to capture the booming market.

Conditions were liberalised one after another for private telcos on the pressure of the big business and multinationals. Licences for mobiles were granted first for a fixed amount, which could fetch for the government a total of more than Rs 55,000 crore. But the policy was changed to revenue sharing, which drastically reduced the amount to be paid, causing huge losses to the government.

While there are so many rules and regulations for the BSNL as a PSU to procure equipments, private telcos have no such restrictions. Procurement by the BSNL was unduly delayed and even stopped by the government, resulting in capacity crunch and inability to provide mobile lines. While BSNL was barred from purchasing equipments from Chinese vendors in the name of national security, private telcos were freely allowed to use Chinese equipments, which are comparatively cheap.

As a PSU, the BSNL has the responsibility to implement the social commitments of the government like providing services in rural and remote areas, while private companies are allowed to bypass even their limited commitments. After approaching the TDSAT (Telecom Disputes Settlement & Appellate Tribunal), private companies got relaxation to pay less licence fee on the basis of a share of adjusted gross revenue (AGR) earned through operations only. But the BSNL is compelled to pay a share of the total revenue. Also, it was not allowed to approach the TDSAT for a similar relaxation.

In the same way, private companies are allowed to pay only the initially fixed spectrum charges, but the BSNL is forced to pay an increased share of the spectrum charges, fixed by the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI). In all these issues, BSNL is discriminated without any justification. In contrast, private companies were always able to get preferential treatment and more benefits. For the government, their interest was more important than its own companies’ interests.

UNKINDEST OF THE CUTS

Despite the fact that mobile licences were granted to the BSNL 6-7 years after they were given to private companies, BSNL through hectic efforts became number two in mobile services and was competing for the first position by 2006. An ambitious tender for 45.5 million mobile equipments was floated and after disposing of a court case filed by Motorola against disqualification, the purchase order was about to be issued. But at this very crucial juncture the government intervened and got the tender cancelled. It was only due to the one-day successful strike by employees on July 11, 2007 that about half of the tender was saved. But unfortunately, only about a quarter of the tender was purchased, resulting in a dire capacity crunch and inability to provide mobile lines to the people. The downfall started at this stage. See Table I given below.

TABLE I

No. of Telephone Connections Provided by Different Companies in India from March 2005 to March 2010 (Figures in Lakh Lines)

Company

Fixed

Mobile

Total

Market Share%

Fixed

Mobile

Total

Market Share%

31.03.2005

31.03.2006

BSNL

357.3

101.6

458.9

47.5

367.8

184.5

552.3

39.3

MTNL

40.8

9.7

50.5

5.2

38.2

19.9

58.1

4.1

Bharti

8.6

109.8

118.4

12.3

13.5

195.8

209.3

14.9

Reliance

13.1

104.5

117.6

12.2

31.3

173.1

204.4

14.6

Hutch

0

91.4

91.4

9.5

0

153.6

153.6

10.9

Tata

18.3

10.9

29.2

3.0

40.2

48.5

88.7

6.3

Idea

0

50.7

50.7

5.3

0

73.7

73.7

5.2

Total

441.6

523.7

965.3

495.3

908.8

1404.1

31.03.2007

31.03.2008

BSNL

337.4

309.8

647.2

31.3

315.52

407.90

723.42

24.07

MTNL

37.2

29.5

66.7

3.2

36.78

35.34

72.12

2.40

Bharti

18.7

371.4

390.1

18.9

22.83

619.85

642.68

21.39

Reliance

5.7

289.7

295.4

14.3

8.74

457.94

466.68

15.53

Hutch

0

264.4

264.4

12.8

441.26

441.26

14.68

Tata

5.3

160.2

165.5

8.0

7.23

243.30

250.53

8.34

Idea

0

140.1

140.1

6.8

240.02

240.02

7.99

Total

407.7

1660.5

2068.2

394.15

2610.83

3004.98

31.03.2009

31.03.2010

BSNL

293.46

521.44

814.90

18.96

278.31

694.50

972.81

15.66

MTNL

35.73

44.83

80.56

1.87

34.97

50.94

85.91

1.38

Bharti

27.26

939.23

966.49

22.49

30.67

1276.19

1306.86

21.03

Reliance

11.09

726.66

737.75

17.17

11.77

1024.22

1035.99

16.68

Vodafone

687.69

687.69

16.00

1008.58

1008.58

16.23

Tata

9.19

351.22

360.41

8.39

11.62

659.42

671.04

10.80

Idea

388.89

388.89

9.05

638.24

638.24

10.27

Total

379.64

3917.59

4297.23

369.56

5843.22

6212.78

100.00

NB: Only the first seven companies are mentioned above.

Also, it was assured by the government and management to the workers that another mega tender of 95 million lines will be floated and equipments purchased. But this tender also met the same fate after the Sam Pitroda committee recommended cancellation. As per an agreement on April 20, 2010, at least 30 million lines were to be made available, but this assurance was also dishonoured, adding to the severe capacity crunch.

From the very start, the government was trying to extract maximum amount from the BSNL by any means in order to bleed it. At the time of corporatisation, an imaginary amount of Rs 7,500 crore was shown as loan to the BSNL; this was neither required for BSNL at that time nor actually paid. Interest was calculated at a higher rate and in order to extract more and more interest the BSNL was not allowed to repay the loan for a long period.

During the period 2000-01 to 2008-09, the company has paid about Rs 40,000 crore towards the dividend, licence fee, taxes etc. In addition, sales tax and other taxes were paid to the state governments. The BSNL is also paying the pension contribution of the serving employees, which responsibility was thrust upon it by the government.

The above reasons, as also the stiff competition in telecom sector, resulted in reduction of the BSNL’s revenue and profit since 2007. Thus in 2009-10, for the first time, it posted a loss of Rs 1,822 crore. See Table II given below:

TABLE II

Analysis of Financial Results of BSNL

From October 1, 2000 to March 31, 2010

Financial Year

Income from Services

Income from Other Sources including Interest

Total Income

Employees' Remunerations & Benefits [Including Pension Contribution to DoT]

Administrative & Operating Expenses

License Fee, Spectrum Charges, Depreciation, Tax & Other Expenses [Including Prior Period Adjustments]

Net Profit / Loss

Total Amount Paid to Central Government on a/c of Spectrum, License, Tax, Dividend etc. [Excluding Pension Contribution]

10/2000- 03/2001

11596.66

102.82

11699.48

2070.07

2893.73

5988.63

747.05

1856.25

2001-02

24299.89

2681.80

26981.69

3848.45

3995.79

12825.28

6312.17

3943.13

2002-03

25293.15

599.45

25892.60

6266.03

5465.50

12716.62

1444.45

4895.04

2003-04

31399.34

2519.25

33918.59

6376.63

7111.83

14453.61

5976.52

7050.72

2004-05

33450.04

2640.01

36090.05

8393.02

8051.96

9461.78

10183.29

2377.03

2005-06

36138.94

4037.64

40176.58

7420.63

10496.89

13319.37

8939.69

4370.13

2006-07

34616.21

5098.90

39715.11

7308.97

10916.28

13683.99

7805.87

5019.47

2007-08

32842.30

5204.53

38046.83

8808.91

11110.18

15118.35

3009.39

6349.22

2008-09

30169.42

5642.50

35811.92

11363.23

11377.97

12495.87

574.85

3343.13

2009-10

27913.44

4131.97

32045.41

13455.04

10199.05

10213.97

-1822.65

500.72

TOTAL

287719.39

32658.87

320378.26

75310.98

81619.18

120277.47

43170.63

39704.84

Further, the BSNL was compelled to pay Rs 18,500 crore towards the 3G and Broadband Spectrum charges, higher than any private company has paid, even though it was not allowed to participate in the tender for selecting the circles it required; private companies were allowed.

ANTI-WORKER RECOMMENDATIONS

The main target of corporatisation was the BSNL’s disinvestment and later its privatisation but the workers are aware of this danger. The VSNL was first disinvested and later sold to the Tatas. About 46 per cent shares of MTNL are already sold and disinvestment of another 5 per cent will mean its virtual privatisation. Learning from these experiences, BSNL workers and officers together, under the banner a Joint Action Committee, organised sustained struggles and defeated the government’s move to disinvest BSNL both in 2006 and 2008.

But the danger has with the Sam Pitroda committee recommending 30 per cent disinvestment. The BSNL board has pliantly adopted a resolution to that effect, ignoring the strong protest from the JAC. The unions have outright rejected the offer of shares to workers, knowing well that this is only a bait. They know that disinvestment is the prelude to privatisation, a la the known cases of VSNL, BALCO, Maruti Udyog Ltd, etc. The three lakh workers in BSNL cannot allow it.

The Sam Pitroda committee has recommended retrenchment of one lakh out of three lakh workers through VRS or transfer. BSNL management is trying to implement it, as desired by government, but the strong protest from the unions has so far foiled the move. Any VRS move is completely against the government’s assurances at the time of corporatisation and later in the 2006 agreement.

The government is pressurising the management to share the BSNL’s valuable copper cables and its large number of mobile towers with the private companies for the latter’s services. This unbundling of basic infrastructure is against the BSNL’s interest.

If the BSNL has to survive and advance in the midst of cut-throat competition and price wars, it needs to offer better services through innovative and effective projects to attract new subscribers and keep them satisfied. While projects like Shikhar, ERP etc were started, it has to do much more for success.

The three lakh workforce including qualified engineers and skilled workers is an asset to the BSNL. The management and the workers’ unions must jointly discuss, plan and speedily implement the development programmes to provide the people the best telecom services. The management has to change its mindset accordingly.

BASIC REQUIEMENTS

If implemented in a planned way, the following steps may save the BSNL from the present crisis and enable it to serve the people better.

1) The anti-PSU policy and the discrimination vis-à-vis private companies must end. A positive approach from the government towards PSUs is required.

2) To improve financial viability, the government must implement its assurances on licence fee reimbursement, ADC, USO fund etc. It must be mandatory for the centre, states and PSUs to take telecom and connected services only from the PSUs (BSNL and MTNL), as is done in the case of Air India. Strategic alliances with other PSUs must be ensured. The Rs 18,500 crore paid by BSNL towards 3G and BWA spectrum must be returned.

3) Issue of absorption ITS officers in BSNL must be settled without delay. Deputations for more than 10 years are hindering the BSNL’s development and expansion.

4) Adequate mobile equipments must be procured immediately. Capacity crunch due to cancellation of the 45.5 million lines in 2007 and 95 million lines in 2010 is the major cause of the present crisis.

5) The proposal of disinvestment or IPO must be scrapped.

6) The existing manpower, a great asset, must be effectively utilised and not retrenched through VRS etc.

7) In order to motivate the workers, their genuine demands must be conceded, creating a better and cordial atmosphere. Workers must be taken into confidence in development and connected matters. Daily monitoring is required to improve the services.

The BSNL has got a strong infrastructure throughout the country, both in urban and rural areas, and a dedicated and committed workforce. The common people look to it for satisfactory services. It is still a debt free company. It can overcome the present crisis, grow and develop if suitable remedial actions are taken without delay.

That the BSNL has surpassed all private companies by providing 2.3 million connections out of a total of 12.4 million by September 2010, is encouraging. This progress has to be kept up.

Under the banner of JAC, the three lakh workers are determined to defend the BSNL and save it from the present crisis. The Save BSNL Conventions organised by the JAC in various circles have sent the message to the workers to proactively participate in the efforts to improve services. The ensuing Parliament March on November 15 and the three-day strike from December 1 are intended to compel the government to change its anti-PSU, anti-workers policy, to save the BSNL and improve its services.

Source: www.pd.cpim.org

Vol. XXXIV, No. 44, October 31, 2010