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Sunday, November 14, 2010
THOUSANDS IN INDIA PROTEST AGAINST OBAMA VISIT
The following are the reports we received from the states as we go to press, on the nationwide protests at the call of the four Left parties,
SMALL and big rallies in each and every district of Bengal marked the Left Front protest against the visit of Obama. In Jangal Mahal area, which witnessed the killing of five CPI (M) persons by the 'Maoists' in the last 24 hours, these protests were joined by people in large numbers. Salboni, Jhargram, Purulia, all witnessed vigorous protests against
In Kolkata, a large rally was taken out on November 8 evening under the aegis of the Left Front. It was addressed by Left Front leaders of Kolkata. SFI held demonstrations across the state right from the morning. They squatted on roads in front of the institutions, including in Kolkata.
KERALA
Vijayan explained the hegemonistic nature of
In Thiruvananthapuram, Central Committee member and state finance minister Thomas Isaac led the protest rally at the Martyrs’ Column in Palayam. Protests were also held in hundreds of centres across the state where thousands of people marked their opposition to US president's visit and the imperialist policies of
TRIPURA
TRIPURA too responded spontaneously to the country wide protest action called by the four Left parties. Slogan shouting processions and protest meetings were held all over the state to register the anguish of the masses against the imperialist policies of the
CPI (M) state secretary Bijan Dhar addressed the protest meeting at Kamalpur. He decried the Indo-US strategic alliance and criticised the central government severely for subjugating national honour and sovereignty before the
ANDHRA PRADESH
US President Barack Obama's intention behind offering help to make India a permanent member of the UN Security Council is to make India toe the US line on all issues ranging from Iran to economic policies. The UPA-II government must place before the people of the country all agreements and discussions it had with the
CPI (M) Polit Bureau member and AP state unit secretary B V Raghavulu stated this while addressing a protest meeting against Obama's visit organised by the Left parties in Hyderabad on November 9. Earlier, he along with CPI state secretary K Narayana, Forward Bloc secretary Deshpande and RSP secretary Janakiramulu led a protest rally from RTC X Roads to Sundarayya Vignana Kendram. Loud slogans decrying American imperialism, Manmohan Singh government's kowtowing to it were raised by the protestors. Hundreds of people from all walks of life joined the protest march.
Raghavulu in his address said Obama had linked his UN offer to essentially four conditions which
He demanded that the government of
CPI state secretary K Narayana in his address charged that Obama had come to India with a hidden agenda and Manmohan Singh, who himself has great love for US imperialism and World Bank, helped in realising the agenda of US.
Similar protest actions were held jointly by the Left parties across the state in around 120 centres attended by thousands of people.
TAMILNADU
THOUSANDS of cadres of the Left parties in Tamilnadu staged a vehement protest against the visit of American president Barack Obama, who came as the representative of the imperialist forces, to the country.
The protesters raised various issues including reluctance on the part of
At Chennai, thousands gathered under the red flag and raised slogans. CPI senior leader R NallaKannu, CPI (M) state secretary G Ramakrishnan, Forward Bloc state secretary P V Kathiravan and CPI (M) deputy leader in the assembly
Main cities including
PUDUCHERRY
IN Puducherry, Left parties held a demonstration near the Head Post Office protesting against the visit of the
ORISSA
PEOPLE from various walks of life in the state of Orissa joined the protest action against
In the capital city of
Other leaders who addressed the meeting included Party secretariat member Dusmanta Das, AIKS state president Abhiram Behera, secretary Yameswar Samantaray, SFI secretary Sarat Das and DYFI secretary Suresh Swain. A good number of tribals and women participated in the meeting.
HARYANA
WORKERS of Left parties staged protest demonstrations at several places all over the state against the one sided agreements being arrived at with United States during the ongoing visit of president Barack Obama. On the nationwide call of Left parties, CPI (M) workers organised demontration at Rohtak with placards demanding extradition of Union Carbide chief Warren Anderson for trial in
CPI (M) state secretary Inderjit Singh while addressing the protesters decried the Indo- US strategic alliance for being against the vital national interests of
HUNDREDS of activists from the CPI (M), CPI, RSP and AIFB staged a protest demonstration at the
The protesters demanded the UPA government not to serve interests of US-industrial complex and other big business as opposed to the interest of Indian peasantry, industry and retail trade. They demanded cancellation of Indo-US strategic agreement. The protestors marched from Jantar Manter to parliament where they were stopped by the police barricades. Those who addressed the demonstration included A B Bardhan, general secretary CPI, Prakash Karat, general secretary CPI (M), Debabrata Biswas, general secretary AIFB and Aboni Roy, secretary RSP.
The speakers were critical of double standards of US-administration and its hegemonistic agenda of making
They urged Indian government to scrap the Indo-US defence framework agreement which seeks to convert
Prominent among others who were present in the demonstration included Sitaram Yechury, S Ramachandran Pillai, Md Amin, K Varadarajan, Polit Bureau members of CPI (M), Pushpinder Grewal, CPI (M) Delhi state secretary and and Vijender Sharma, state committee member.
Source: www.pd.cpim.org
People’s Democracy
Vol. XXXIV, No. 46,
Saturday, November 13, 2010
Friday, November 12, 2010
Thursday, November 11, 2010
NOVEMBER REVOLUTION AND SOCIALIST CONSCIOUSNESS - II - Sukomal Sen
THE learning that takes place in our day-to-day lives through practical struggles and developing social consciousness advances the workers' revolutionary consciousness. Revolutionary ideological development often best begins on the basis of people's resistance to injustices. It is important to acknowledge that injustices can and do occur during the transitional period despite the State's attempts to eliminate them. Clearly, it is important to distinguish between those who exploit existing problems in order to mobilise criticism against the State (counter revolutionaries) and ordinary people with legitimate grievances. The content and form of the latter can, when informed by Marxist methodology, serve as a means of learning from experience while simultaneously learning to make criticism conscious and constructive, thereby minimising destructive social unrest and engaging people in decision-making processes pertinent to those issues that affect their lives.Going through the entire process contributes to the formation of socialist consciousness not only among the advanced section of the working class, but also among many fighters from other sections of the society. The development of consciousness for a radical change of the society provided a favourable ideological background for socialist revolution which occurred in Russia in October, 1917.
Marx’s concept of proletarian dictatorship was further elaborated in the light of the events in France from 1848 to 1852. But his view of a new state under the leadership of the working class - the state of the socialist revolution, and the functions of such a state - was modified and made concrete by the example of the Paris Commune of 1871. He regarded the short-lived Paris Commune as the first form of a workers’ government, which by its practical actions and the measures it adopted had proved that the transition to socialism is bound up with a fundamentally new state system. Such a state system is no longer a state in the old sense of the word, because, after the smashing of the old state apparatus, it develops forms of popular control over the executive and the bureaucracy which correspond to the vision of the abolition of all central political power. We read in The Civil War in France, which appeared directly after the defeat of the Paris Commune, that the nineteenth century saw the development of “centralised State power, with its ubiquitous organs of standing army, police, bureaucracy, clergy and judicature” - a power whose origins went back to the Middle Ages. With the intensification of class antagonism between capital and labour the State power assumed more and more the character of the national power of capital over labour, of a public force organised for social enslavement, of an engine of class despotism. After every revolution marking a progressive phase in the class struggle, the purely repressive character of the State power stands out in bolder and bolder relief.
CONTINUOUS DEVELOPMENT
The Marxian historical framework undergoes development with the change of time. Marx was writing in the middle of the nineteenth century and died in 1883. Things have changed immeasurably since that time. The tendencies of transformation which we have witnessed in the recent past, with their roots going back to the first few decades of our century, are of such a character that Marx could not even dream about them. Above all, this concerns the way in which the capital system could adjust and renew itself, so as to postpone the unfolding and maturation of its antagonistic contradictions. Marx was not in a situation in which he could have assessed the various modalities and the ultimate limitations of state intervention in prolonging the lifespan of the capital system. A key figure in twentieth century economic development is John Maynard Keynes. Keynes’ fundamental aim was precisely to save the system through the injection of massive state funds for the benefit of private capitalist enterprise, so as to regulate on a permanent basis within the framework of undisturbed capital accumulation the overall reproduction process.
Now, more recently “monetarism” and “neo-liberalism” have pushed Keynes aside and indulged in the fantasy of doing away with state intervention altogether, envisaging the “rolling back the boundaries of the state” in a most absurd way. Naturally, in reality nothing could correspond to such self-serving fantasies. In fact the role of the state in the contemporary capitalist system is greater than ever before, including the time of the postwar two and a half decades of Keynesian developments in the capitalistically most advanced countries. The present crisis of world capitalism which began on September 15, 2008 confirms this aspect. This kind of development is totally new as compared to Marx’s lifetime. And the fact is that from Marx’s lifetime to our present conditions there has been a massive historical change.
The State sanctifies acquired wealth and privilege, defending them against the communist tradition of earlier societies and creating conditions in which private fortunes and inequality increase. ‘Because the state arose from the need to hold class antagonisms in check, but because it arose, at the same time, amid the conflict of these classes, it is a rule, the state of the most powerful, economically dominant class, which through the medium of the state, becomes also politically dominant, and thus acquires new means of holding down and exploiting the oppressed class.’ (Fredrick Engels, Origin of Family, Private Property and State Chapter IX)
The implication of Engel’s analysis here is that any government whatever may be its complexion, if it seeks to limit class struggle or oppose workers’ militant strike, it ultimately helps the capitalists to protect its privilege of property and its valid exploitation of the workers.
Moreover, any government depending too much on the bureaucratic state machine, whatever may be the political intention of that government ultimately serves the interests of the capitalists.
It happened earlier in bourgeois society, as Marx observed in connection with Louis Napoleon’s coup d’etat, that the bureaucratic machine asserts its independence of the class it serves. But such situations can also be explained by class interests. The bourgeoisie may give up parliamentary power and entrust the direct exercise of political authority to an automised bureaucracy, if this is necessary to maintain its own economic position as a class.
In a radical social transformation, the new mode of controlling the social metabolism must penetrate into every segment of society. It is in that sense that the concept of revolution remains valid; indeed, in the light of our historical experience, more valid than ever before. A revolution, in this sense, not only eradicates but also implants. The eradication is as much a part of this process as what we put in the place of what has been eradicated. Marx says that the meaning of “radical” is “to grasp matters at their roots.” That is the literal meaning of being radical, and it retains its validity in the social revolution in the just mentioned sense of eradicating and implanting.
This entire Marxist concept of social revolution assumes all-round relevance in the revolutionary struggle in India also. Any deviation from this concept is bound to boomerang. This is the lesson to-day after the success of Soviet Socialist revolution and its ultimate downfall in 1991.
Finally, after Soviet set-back in 1991, the world communist movement was put into an ideological bewilderment and many communist parties are still recovering from that shock. The result is the process of social democratisation of some of the parties, opposing or disliking class conflict believing in ‘enlightened capitalism’, or ‘globalisation with human face’. In fact, it means hindering the revolutionary developments and in the end serving the interests of capital, even at a time when world capitalism is tottering on its feet under the grave shock of unprecedented crisis.
Thus the lesson of November Revolution in today’s world is to unwaveringly adhere to the Marxist concept of social revolution and advance the revolutionary struggles in the respective countries and to achieve the historical goal, assimilation of socialist consciousness by the working class and by the advanced sections of the workers, which are basic and indispensable requirements.
Source: www.pd.cpim.org
People’s Democracy
Vol. XXXIV, No. 45, November 07, 2010
'CHALO DELHI' BY FISHERS ON FEB 22
FISHERS and Fisheries workers from all over the country will descend on Delhi on February 22, 2011 to press their seven -point charter of demands. They will also participate in the central trade unions’ call for 'March to Parliament' the next day, on February 23 protesting against the price rise and in defence of workers' rights.
These decisions were taken by the All India Fishers and Fisheries Workers Federation (AIFFWF) at its extended national committee meeting in Hyderabad on October 30-November 1. This meeting, attended by 74 state level leaders of fishers’ organisations affiliated to AIFFWF from all parts of the country, deliberated on the problems being faced by the fishers and fisheries workers and formulated the following seven -point charter of demands:
1. The central government must enact a comprehensive Act for the development of fishers and fisheries workers;
2. A separate ministry for fisheries must be formed in the Government of India;
3. Adequate funds must be allotted in the Union budget for the welfare of fishers and fisheries workers;
4. Withdraw the 2010 notification of Coastal Regulation Zone;
5. Implement all welfare measures tailored for unorganised sector workers to fishers and fisheries workers also;
6. Make agreements with neighbouring countries for protection of fishers;
7. Formulate Relief and Rehabilitation package for fishers losing their livelihood due to the various projects sanctioned by the government.
Addressing the media about the deliberations of the meeting, Hemalata, general secretary of AIFFWH, said a nationwide agitation would be conducted by the federation on these demands in the run up to February 22 'Chalo Delhi' programme. All other organisations working in this front will be approached for joint, united agitation on these demands.
The federation leader flagged the main problems confronting the people in this sector. The dilution of Coastal Regulation Zone (CRZ) notification has resulted in large scale proliferation of industries across the coastal region, whose effluents were killing marine wealth and robbing the livelihood of fishers. The first notification issued in 1991 has not been implemented properly and that notification has been further diluted by the recent one issued on September 15. This would result in more industries coming up posing severe threat to the livelihood of millions of fishers. She demanded scrapping of the latest notification and stricter implementation of the 1991 notification for protection of fisher folk. Inland water bodies were being filled up to use the land for real estate purposes in many parts of the country. The entry of big corporates like Reliance Retail into fish trading was displacing the small fishers from their livelihood. The fisher cooperatives in many areas were being taken over by the rich and the fishers were forced to work for them as labourers.
Kerala unit leader, V V Saseendran, informed about the various welfare measures being implemented by the LDF government for fishers and fisheries workers. Almost all of them are covered by the accident insurance scheme of the government by which Rs Five lakh would be given to the accident victims. In addition to the EMS Housing scheme, there is also a separate housing scheme for fishers in which the government pays Rs one lakh for construction of houses. Members of the fishers’ cooperatives get up to Rs 10,000 as credit at an interest rate of 6 per cent. The LDF government has also spent an amount of Rs 127 crore for providing debt relief to fishers under the Debt Relief Commission.
Noorul Huda, treasurer of AIFFWF, and L Balakrishna, general secretary of Andhra Pradesh unit were also present on the occasion.
DEMAND FOR SEPARATE MINISTRY
The All India Fishers and Fisheries Workers Federation (AIFFWF) has demanded setting up of a separate ministry for fisheries in the Government of India at the earliest in order to ensure protection of the interests of fishers and fisheries workers, who amount to around 1.4 crore people in the country. With no separate ministry, the issues concerning this vast section of people were being dealt with in piece meal manner by the agricultural, environment, commerce and defence ministries. Bringing the fisheries industry under one umbrella ministry would help its growth along with the development of the workforce.
This demand was made by Hemalata, general secretary of the Federation while addressing a convention in Hyderabad on October 30 marking the beginning of the AIFFWF extended national committee's three day meetings here. The convention was organised by the Andhra Pradesh unit of the federation.
The centre's neglect of this sector can be seen from its refusal to concede this demand for separate ministry, said Hemalata. This is despite the fact that India stands third in fish production in the world. In the name of development, the establishing of SEZs, petro-chemical industries, power plants, ports, tourist resorts and various industries is having a serious impact on the marine life. The harmful chemicals from these industries are killing the marine wealth in the seas, making the fishers lose their livelihood. It was only the Left led governments of Bengal, Kerala and Tripura that were coming to the rescue of fishermen through welfare measures and showing them alternate livelihood.
There is no credit facility for fishers in most parts of the country. They do not get any relief or compensation like the peasants at the time of floods, drought, cyclones etc. With the entry of large corporates like Reliance into fisheries, the fate of millions of small fishermen is becoming uncertain. The fish markets have very meagre facilities and women fishers face great problems. Hemalata called for an organised struggle against the anti-fisher workers policies of the UPA-II government in the coming days. More pressure has to be brought on the central government to solve the problems faced by the fishers.
N B Srihari, chairman of the reception committee, Tushar Ghosh, general secretary of Paschim Banga Matsyajeebi Samiti, V V Saseendran, general secretary of Kerala Fishers’ and Allied Workers’ Federation, Sudhan Das, general secretary of Tripura Rajya Matsyajeebi Samiti, and L Balakrishna, general secretary of the Andhra Pradesh Matsyakarulu, Matsyakarmikula Sangham, also addressed the convention that was attended by hundreds of fishers from all over the state. Dr Aribandi Prasada Rao, retired professor of Agricultural University presented a paper on the impact of globalisation on the fishers. M Kumara Swamy, president of the state unit presided over the seminar.
(INN)
Source: www.pd.cpim.org
People’s Democracy
Vol. XXXIV, No. 45, November 07, 2010
Tuesday, November 9, 2010
Sunday, November 7, 2010
5TH MAY COAL STRIKE: NEW LANDMARK IN THE HISTORY OF TRADE UNION MOVEMENT - JIBON ROY
The 5th May Coal workers’ Strike against disinvestment has attained a new land mark both in participation and consciousness. In true sense this has been an industry-based class action on policy question. This strike has been a great leap forward from pure trade unionism towards policy orientation. This is the first time that the main issue is not allowed to be crowded with miscellaneous demands.Workers who have struck work, whatever may be the percentage of participation, did it with a unity of purpose and wisdom. According to conservative estimate made at the Federation HQ the rate of strike would be between 55 to 60% and around 3 lakh miners including contractor workers joined the industrial action. This is much beyond the membership of CITU in coal industry.
Such struggle on policy issues leads to heightening of consciousness of the workers. It is also common experience that while leading such struggle, the leadership faces combined opposition from reformists from within and outside, management and the government. Serious pursuit of the struggle against disinvestment, or privatisation in the ultimate sense develops a platform serving multiple purposes. It heightens consciousness of the workers to a patriotic role, and helps in awakening people to unite with the workers’ struggle on the question of peoples’ right over public assets. Thus this struggle carries the workers to a new kind of unity breaking the barriers of stagnation to a higher plateau of enlightenment and consciousness.
Such struggles quite naturally have to advance facing serious hurdles created by the ruling class. They leave no stone unturned to create confusion at every stage to dechannelise the anger of workers against such disastrous policy regime. One such ploy is to project disinvestment as something different from and delinked with privatisation. A section of unions, more particularly a section of leadership willy-nilly allows themselves to fall prey to such ploy of the employers and the ruling class.
They become victims to a kind of opportunism as well in making a line up with the employers and the management overtly or covertly in such turning points. In such an eventuality a trade union leadership loyal and committed to class politics, has to take a forthright stand in defending the struggle and replying patiently to ill-designed arguments for deserting the struggle being advanced by that section of reformist/misguided leadership singing in tune with the management and government.
The 5th May strike by coal workers accounts for such a struggle which lambasted the alliance of convenience which was built up by the employers and the government to make the workers a party to their game of privatisation.
A philistine argument has been advanced that if the Coal India is not allowed to be listed in the share market, the Company would lose its Navaratna status. This has been a sinister attempt to play on a false-pride and a fake perception and that everything can be compromised for such Navaratna Status including sell-out of the company itself through gradual dilution of the character of its equity ownership.
Workers argued through strike action that all the assets, profit, pomp and prestige whichever the Coal India enjoys, are all the consequences of labour and owned by people. And hence the firm position of the workers against any move to dilute the peoples’ ownership embedded in the wholly owned public sector character can no way be ignored.
The popular response to 5th May strike has vindicated the position taken by coal workers. The message which has been focused in the strike is that if workers could bring some pride to Coal India, that can be retained not just by the temporary signboard of Navaratna but by maintaining the wholly owned public sector status of company symbolising undiluted peoples’ ownership of the most vital natural resources.
It is blamed that this strike of 5th May staged by CITU alone has hampered the spirit of unity which has developed at the national level in recent period amongst all the major national trade union centres. This is not correct. Rather backtracking by some of the federations from the unanimous strike decision in coal industry for fighting back the disinvestment move, taken from the joint convention held on 27th March 2010 at Ranchi despite the Minister firmly sticking to the decision of disinvestment of shares in Coal India, has severely hampered the unity for struggle against disinvestment.
Unity is not for unity’s sake, it is for struggle on common issues. Unity of trade unions at industry level is not meant for accepting employer’s decision for sticking to disinvestment in lieu of some insignificant concessions on certain miscellaneous issues.
Unity is not meant for making workers a party to the govt’s decision to pursue disinvestment on the untenable plea of retaining Navaratna Status. The Minutes of the meeting between the Coal Minister and the leadership of Five Federations held on 16-4-2010 and signed by the leadership of three federations with CITU and HMS leadership refusing to become a party to that exercise clearly reflected the fact. Signing that minutes was tantamount to surrendering the right to oppose disinvestment of shares up to 50 per cent by the concerned federations.
By backtracking from the united decision of the federations for three day’s strike in coal industry and signing the minutes, the concerned federations practically undermined and violated the unified understanding of the Central Trade Unions to which they were affiliated, to fight against disinvestment in PSUs at the national level. If the process for working together of the federations got a little disturbed in any manner in the Coal Industry, it is because certain leaders of some federations separated themselves from the general policy of their own central organiations and the consensus arrived earlier amongst the federations for three days strike against disinvestment in the background of consensus arrived at among all the central trade unions against disinvestment. Then who are the villains of unity?
In this context the nefarious ploy of the Govt to play the Navaratna card to facilitate disinvestment has to be understood. The original parameters designed by the Govt for granting Navaratna or Miniratna Status to PSUs were based on “rating under Memorandum of Understanding(MOU) system in three of the last five years ” in the PSUs. Such MOUs are entered into between the management of PSU and the concerned Ministry and the MOU parameters are basically based on physical and actual financial performance of the PSU under consideration and no way linked with either its listing in the stock market or its “stock market image”.
It is only in November 2006 such parameters of Navaratna and Miniratna status were unilaterally changed to include stock market capitalisation and (share) price-earning ratio etc just to facilitate disinvestment and privatisation. And now the Minister has been pleading for disinvestment of shares on the plea of maintaining Navaratna status.
The game plan is clear. Link Navaratna status with stock-market-listing and performance and then plead for disnvestment to retain Navaratna Status! Unfortunately some of the Federations fell a victim to this game plan owing to their misplaced anxiety on Navaratna status. If the public ownership status of Coal India is compromised through phased disinvestment, will the Navaratna status finally be retained? Fake pride and anxiety on Navaratna is making them to miss the wood for the tree!
The huge participation in the strike had made all the misinformation campaign about the withdrawal of strike carried by some of the federations with the active assistance of management fall absolutely flat. On the day before the strike, the employers provided vehicles to the strike breakers to campaign throughout the collieries in all the coal companies that CITU also has withdrawn the strike. Intensive SMS campaign was organised to push through lie-propaganda. But nothing could deter the mass of the workers joining the strike on 5th May 2010. And it is not only the workers having allegiance to CITU or AICWF. Workers irrespective of affiliations, from all federations joined the strike exploding all misinformation campaign.
As per reports received at the AICWF headquarters, in many of the backward areas like Rajmahal under CCL (Jharkhand), Basundhara and Talcher under Mahanadi coal fields (Orissa), workers themselves at their own initiative organised the strike. Strike in ECL was 85%, BCCL 70%, CCL at around 45%, North Eastern Coalfield at 70%, WCL 40%, SECL round 35% and 20% in NCL and on the average it was 60 per cent in all the Coal India mines. Even in Mahanadi Coal Mines which is mined mostly by contractor workers, there were substantial strike.
In Coal India HQ and other offices in Kolkata and Dhanbad the strike rate was 90% and similar is the strike situation in the units under CMPDIL. Most of the washeries were closed. In respect of production, transportation and washing of coal the entire system has been disrupted. Contractor workers’ participation was large in all the coal companies. The fraternity aspect of the strike also was important. It is reported that about 15% of the total working strength in Singareni had struck work in support of Coal India workers. On the whole it is assessed that strike could have been more widespread could the organisers reach all the ten thousand plus pitheads. Still then it must be concluded that workers enmasse, even those who did not take part in the strike due to confusion or hesitation arising out of union allegiance were sympathetic to the strike call. This signifies a greater unity on the issue of disinvestment at the grass root level.
Whatever happened has already happened. The strike of May 5 has given a clear message to the Govt of the day that coal workers will not accept disinvestment and backdoor privatisation through outsourcing of coal blocks lying down. The all in unity against disinvestment at the national level has cemented the situation further. All the federations in coal industry who already carry a tradition of all in united action in the coal industry for almost a decade now must rise above all misgivings and misunderstandings and unite for drawing the next course of action for thwarting the disinvestment move of the Govt in Coal Industry. The Coal workers have the potential strength and consciousness to successfully blockade the disinvestment process if all the Federations come together to fight back. CITU appeals to all the Federation to join hands in drawing the action plan at the earliest.
www.citucentre.org
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