JIBON ROY, General Secretary
All India Coal Workers Federation
The 5th, May Coal workers’ Strike have attained a new land mark both in participation and consciousness? This has been the first working class action ever carried in an industrial scale against disinvestment. In true sense this has been a class action on policy question. This strike has been a great leap forward from pure trade unionism towards policy orientation. This is the first time issue is not allowed to be crowded with miscellaneous demands. Workers who have struck work, whichever may be the percentage it was, they did it with a unity of purpose and wisdom. According to conservative estimate made at the Federation HQ the rate of strike would be between 55 to 60% and around 3 lack miners including contractor workers joined the industrial action.
Those who have the earlier experiences for leading such struggle know about how such struggle on policy leads workers to new height of enlightenment. It is also common experience that while leading such struggle leadership is always subjected to combined opposition from reformists from within and outside, management and the government. They also know that a strike against ‘disinvestment’, if it is fought truly to its platform, turns into a platform serving multiple purposes. If such struggle unite workers through rousing them into a new height of consciousness about their patriotic role to themselves and the country, it awaken people into a unity with the workers on the question of public right over public assets. Thus this struggle carries the workers to a new kind of unity. This unity carry working class breaking the stagnancy and for climbing a new plateau of enlightenment. In course of all such struggle, it is seen that the leaders who grown on spontaneity or through easy going life get generally lined with the employers, overtly or covertly. In such eventuality a trade union leadership loyal and committed to class politics, has to learn submitting itself answering all evil arguments and logics of machinations which are likely to be advanced by the combination of reformist leaders in league with the management and government.
The 5th, May strike accounts for such a struggle which lambasted an alliance of convenience and the game exploiting the workers’ pride of their being in the coal industry and in the process facilitating the way of privatization. An argument has been advanced that if the Coal India is not allowed to be enlisted in the share market, the Company would loose its Navaratna status. Thus an attempt was made to carry workers with a sense of fake patriotism. Workers argued that all the assets and the profit, pomp and prestige whichever the Coal India could mint, with no exception of being a Navaratna, are all the consequence of labour and hence nothing be regarded above the workers. The popular response to 5th. May strike have vindicated the position taken by coal workers? The message which has been focused in the strike is that if workers could bring some pride to Coal India, those could be retained alone through holding public status to the company.
It is blamed that this strike has hampered the spirit of unity which has been shaping in recent period at the Central level amongst the major national trade union centers. AICWF felt otherwise. If it is agreed that no alliance or unity on personal reason/reasons or the reason/reasons for blindly following the dictum of ruling government/governments can be reasoned as the unity then it has to be agreed that whichever we presume as unity, is not unity in real sense. And again if it is further believed that all unity should lead towards an unity of wisdom and for a purpose, then it has to be agreed that whichever sense of disunity is reflected within the mutual relations amongst the leaderships of different federations in coal industry, would in the end contribute in raising the unity to a new height and for a purpose. If the process for working together is disturbed any way in Coal Industry, it is mostly because of the reason for some leaders in the Federation separating themselves from the general policy of their own central organization and the consensus arrived earlier amongst the federations.
No leader amongst the functioning Federations can dispute the fact that there was a total unanimity amongst the trade unions on the matter of opposing privatization in coal industry in whatsoever form it may come. It was decided that advent of any such move would be responded by immediate action. Nonetheless, one cannot ignore the fact that opposition to disinvestment form an important agenda in the unity platform built at central level. In fact this earlier decision in the Federation level had formed the basis for consensus amongst five functioning Federations in Ranchi meeting of 27th. March. Accordingly an agreement was reached on a charter of demands with opposition to disinvestment in the focus. Randhi meeting had also adopted a phased programme of struggle which was to culminate into 72 hours strike effecting from 5th. May. Had the Federation leaders were serious about the commitment they made publicly from Ranchi how could they get victim of a fake sense about ‘Navaratna Pride’ and carried away into a reverse journey. If Trade union leaders scrutinize the course of event with a sense of introspection, they may find the recent developments in coal movement as an important piece of schooling. Coal India Officials may boast themselves for their capability to rouse a semblance of employers’ like ‘pride’ amongst the leading ranks in the Federation about ‘Navaratna’ status for Coal India and tried to subvert the demand for the retention of public status of ownership in the mining. There was no amount of logic which could suggest the central leaderships jumping a wrong notions as have been carried by some leaders in the Federations. This was surprising that the All India leadership of AITUC and BMS have taken little pain to investigate the issue with some details. As a consequence they could neither defend the interest of coal workers or their own policy on the question of ‘disinvestment’. They could not even defend the erring leaders down below which had been probably guiding their judgment.
The Coal strike has proved beyond doubt that if workers are adequately educated they never support any shortsighted divisive approach as arisen out of non class and narrow mindedness. If the emotions which was It believed that there were ways for persuasion and reconciliations. But sudden about turn of some federation leaders unwrapping Ranchi declaration and the overzealousness of coal ministry and Coal India combine to exploit the agreement with the leaders of three national federations to denigrate coal workers, had forced the AICWF to pursue Ranchi decision single handedly.
It would not be impertinent if it is said that the minutes signed jointly by the National Federations along with the Coal India management made 5th. May strike inevitable. This was signed on 16th. April in New Delhi at Coal Ministry office, ignoring the views advanced by CITU led All India Coal Workers Federation and HMS led Hind Khadan Mazdoor Sangh. It is now proved that the leadership of those three who signed the minutes had fallen victim to management’s ill advice and committed gross harm to coal workers. In the said memorandum of understanding, the leaders had agreed to surrender their right to oppose disinvestment and this ‘virtue’ has been committed in lieu of some insignificant miscellaneous. The Federations who were bound are INTUC led Indian National Mines Workers Federation, AITUC led Indian Mines Workers Federation and BMS led Akhil Bharatiya Khadan Mazdoor Sangh. Workers raised a simple question after this fateful agreement. Had the united trade Union movement failed to stop the way of disinvestment even after their sincere effort to mobilize mass of workers, issue could have been allowed to roll in its own course, instead of signing the ‘charter of surrender’. Workers took it a point of great disgrace that. Coal turned to be the first case in India when the leaders of three trade unions themselves came forward to sign hanging of ‘public right’ over public assets. Coal Ministry used this signed minutes as the memorandum of understanding and given instant and wide publicity.
When AICWF representative has been snubbed for his request to defer the implementation of disinvestment till a consensus is worked out between the management and negotiating unions, it was clear that the conclusion of the meeting was drawn before the date of the meeting was fixed. This had forced the painful and unkind division amongst the Federations. Only those who were present would be able to count the fact that the meeting of 16th. April which was convened at the behest of the Coal Ministry has been a pre-arranged meeting with a pre-determined conclusion. The desk has been cleared 14 o’clock noon. As said earlier, decision had broken a split in the ranks of trade unions in line of 3:2. The AICWF General Secretary who represented the Federation quitted the meeting after Chairman vacated the chair with the promise to return back for witnessing the signing ‘ceremony’ incidentally Hon’ble Minister of Coal himself chaired the session. Finally, HMS went with CITU and refused to sign the understanding which came in the form of a signed minute. This was the circumstances which had prepared the ground for 5th. May Strike. . The strike had to be commanded, if not for defending mines & workers from disinvestment but to save them from the disgrace heaped that as if the coal workers have accepted ‘disinvestment’.
The huge participation in the strike had made the campaign carried by AITUC led Federation accusing the strike call as the making of CITU, fallen flat. Similarly, the disinformation campaign carried by few leaders of BMS affiliated Federation which took an worst form when fraudulent SMS propaganda were carried to CITU ranks had been made frustrated by workers. All through 4th and 5th.May gossips were made to spread that strike that as if strike is withdrawn. Disinformation campaign did not stop there itself. The Coal India management tried all the worst to seal public communications between AICWF leadership and mass of the workers. This strike has educated the first hand experience how a powerful employer can manipulate electronic and print media which has mushroomed in all the coal dominated cities and colonies.
AICWF is posted with the incidences of distributing fabulous gift to media persons just couple of days before the strike. However, media have given little bit indulgence to reality also. Notwithstanding, there were no takers of all these lies and propagandas because of the reason that those leaders by this time had lost much of their credibility. Which had harmed them most was the refusal to come clear either to support the 5th. May strike or to declare an alternative date for a united working class action. Neither of these was possible for them as they were not capable to disown the legacy of memorandum of settlement they signed. The strenuous face saving exercises from the part of AITUC leaders had failed to rescue the leaders responsible for committing AITUC in a writing agreement to initiate the process of disinvestment in Coal. The leader/leaders did not know that the entire regiment of coal workers were witnessing the
Maneuvering enactment which was being staged in Delhi. This continued for more than an ten days and kept the matter of finalizing a common date for strike kept hanging till the evening of 3rd. May. The way the ‘awaiting’ was brought to end brought no grace for the central leadership in AITUC. They got themselves ended with an ‘appeal’ to CITU which came practically in tone of ‘managerial command’ asking the CITU leadership in the centre to force the AICWF for deferring the strike unconditionally
Which the leadership reasonably refused. In the meantime in their exercise to ‘unify’ the ‘check off fraternity’ a ‘saving’ operation, AITUC leadership could rope the HMS leader. Thus the ‘check-off fraternity’ thought, as if they at last have found a good ground to corner AICWF. But unfortunately, central leaders failed to realize that the extent of credibility have been lost to their leaders in Federations would not have been restored by taking negative approach. They did not recognize the other aspect of the crisis, which had widened the gap of trustworthiness with the Federation leaders. This mischief has been committed by the Coal India management through spreading disinformation and manipulations.
The success rate of the strike had been questioned even when the strike was yet to be materialized. The fifth strike has proved that when an act gets the class emotion is injured, a working class action do not go by any arithmetic calculation and in line of dominating influence. The strike has proved further that any class action if carried on class line and workers could be carried with its efficacy; a call of such action would always find wide response, even though workers are weak organizationally. The HQ of AICWF is informed that in many of the backward areas like Rajmahal under CCL (Jharkhand), Basundhara and Talcher under Mahanadi coal fields (Orissa) workers themselves at their own initiative had organized strike. If the rate of strike in ECL is taken at 85%, BCCL as 70%, CCL at around 45%, North Eastern Coalfield at 70%, strike rate in Coal India comes to around 60%, even if percentage is given to WCL at 40% and SECL at round 35% and 20% in NCL. In Mahanadi Coal Mines which is mined mostly by contractor workers, there were substantial strikes. In Coal India HQ and other offices in Kolkata and Dhanbad the strike rate was 90% and similar is the rate in the units under CMPDI. However, in Darbhanga house it was only 20% In respect of production, transportation and washing of coal the entire system has been disrupted. Gevra project of SECL which represents 24% of total production in Coal India the strike rate has been 60%; most of the washeries were closed. Contractor workers’ participation was large in all the coal companies. The fraternity aspects of the strike also were important. It is reported that about 15% of the total working strength in Singarani had struck work in support of Coal India workers. On the whole as it is assessed in AICWF HQ that if the emotion generated in course of preparation of the strike, strike rate should have been overwhelming. But it could not attained that height only because of the fact that organizers could not reach all the ten thousands odd pitheads after it became eminent in the evening of 3rd. May that AICWF alone has to go strike.
In the end, AICWF has no hesitation to note that the whichever, wrongs or misdoing are committed in the entire episode were basically the making of Federation leaderships. AICWF is indebted to the National leaderships of various centers for their effort to resolve the difficulties of the Federation. If they were not successful, blame should go to down level leaderships. Had the Central leadership been Adequately advised about the real depth of the crisis, probably they could have taken a realistic view.
The magnitude of the trauma which had gripped the mining families when incessant flashing of a ‘news’ item in TV screen had been rocking the dream which they kept living beneath their chest. It was the dream mixed with hope that – we don’t allow the return of the nightmare of the past. The leaders never tried to assess that the fall out of the wrong doings would not have been erased out by forcing a national trade union centre who could withstand a combined pressure to succumb.
This was not the experience of individuals but all the members who negotiated the memorandum of settlement with the Coal India that by the time they could reach their residence, they found TV screen had been roaring with the news of an awe-inspiring ‘victory’ – ‘the victory towards multi nationalization of coal industry.’ Thus, ‘16th. Evening’ had turned to be the blackest day for the Indian trade union movement during modern period, when disinvestment has been ‘negotiated’ and agreed in black and white. At the same time, that has been the ‘First Evening’ for the coal workers to realize their ‘political strength’ to influence the co-relation of strength.
AICWF still holds great regards for their Federation level leadership in HMS and their ranks. It is despite HMS led Federation’s going back from the strike in the last point. It was not an easy for withstanding the pressure from three major Federations and supporting the workers. They at their own initiative had served strike notices in all the companies along with AICWF. HMS led Federation maintained a high profile campaign in favour of the strike till the direction to separate itself came down from the HMS leadership. They addressed meetings almost everywhere. The author of this article had the opportunity to address number of such meetings over the pits. Those meetings were organized jointly by both the Federations. HMS campaign had been punctured by long distanced telephonic calls communicated individually from the highest leadership of HMS. The excuse given for withdrawal was amusing. If an imaginative ‘neglect’ towards the ‘leader’ could be shown as the justification for joining the ‘platform’ which had been marked earlier as harmful to the interest of miners and mining found friendly overnight.
However, whichever has happened is happened. AICWF will feel happy to carry lesson from the entire episode, instead of carrying forward bitterness of past mistrust. Despite all troubles and difficulties, it considers that it as the biggest relief for the coal workers that the happenings of last three months have brought them back to the same square where they were on 27rh. March. AICWF wishes to carry unity forward from this point. AICWF believes that in its relations with other National Federations, the content of unity still continued to be the dominating feature. AICWF announces its firm commitment for holding the flag of unity flying high and high. In this context AICWF considers the support from the national leadership as of supreme importance for bringing back all the Federations in the coal industry into the platform built on 27th. March in Ranchi. AICWF strongly believes that if the consolidation is delayed, the Management and the Ministry would try for going vindictive to shatter the unity platform for all time. The task of the ranks in various National Federations who have vindicated their desire for unity is identified in this point. The AICWF calls upon its ranks to prepare themselves for any kind of sacrifice in their carrying forward the campaign against the move to convert ‘public right’ into the grip of ‘private’ and to unite the ranks of all Federations.
All India Coal Workers Federation
The 5th, May Coal workers’ Strike have attained a new land mark both in participation and consciousness? This has been the first working class action ever carried in an industrial scale against disinvestment. In true sense this has been a class action on policy question. This strike has been a great leap forward from pure trade unionism towards policy orientation. This is the first time issue is not allowed to be crowded with miscellaneous demands. Workers who have struck work, whichever may be the percentage it was, they did it with a unity of purpose and wisdom. According to conservative estimate made at the Federation HQ the rate of strike would be between 55 to 60% and around 3 lack miners including contractor workers joined the industrial action.
Those who have the earlier experiences for leading such struggle know about how such struggle on policy leads workers to new height of enlightenment. It is also common experience that while leading such struggle leadership is always subjected to combined opposition from reformists from within and outside, management and the government. They also know that a strike against ‘disinvestment’, if it is fought truly to its platform, turns into a platform serving multiple purposes. If such struggle unite workers through rousing them into a new height of consciousness about their patriotic role to themselves and the country, it awaken people into a unity with the workers on the question of public right over public assets. Thus this struggle carries the workers to a new kind of unity. This unity carry working class breaking the stagnancy and for climbing a new plateau of enlightenment. In course of all such struggle, it is seen that the leaders who grown on spontaneity or through easy going life get generally lined with the employers, overtly or covertly. In such eventuality a trade union leadership loyal and committed to class politics, has to learn submitting itself answering all evil arguments and logics of machinations which are likely to be advanced by the combination of reformist leaders in league with the management and government.
The 5th, May strike accounts for such a struggle which lambasted an alliance of convenience and the game exploiting the workers’ pride of their being in the coal industry and in the process facilitating the way of privatization. An argument has been advanced that if the Coal India is not allowed to be enlisted in the share market, the Company would loose its Navaratna status. Thus an attempt was made to carry workers with a sense of fake patriotism. Workers argued that all the assets and the profit, pomp and prestige whichever the Coal India could mint, with no exception of being a Navaratna, are all the consequence of labour and hence nothing be regarded above the workers. The popular response to 5th. May strike have vindicated the position taken by coal workers? The message which has been focused in the strike is that if workers could bring some pride to Coal India, those could be retained alone through holding public status to the company.
It is blamed that this strike has hampered the spirit of unity which has been shaping in recent period at the Central level amongst the major national trade union centers. AICWF felt otherwise. If it is agreed that no alliance or unity on personal reason/reasons or the reason/reasons for blindly following the dictum of ruling government/governments can be reasoned as the unity then it has to be agreed that whichever we presume as unity, is not unity in real sense. And again if it is further believed that all unity should lead towards an unity of wisdom and for a purpose, then it has to be agreed that whichever sense of disunity is reflected within the mutual relations amongst the leaderships of different federations in coal industry, would in the end contribute in raising the unity to a new height and for a purpose. If the process for working together is disturbed any way in Coal Industry, it is mostly because of the reason for some leaders in the Federation separating themselves from the general policy of their own central organization and the consensus arrived earlier amongst the federations.
No leader amongst the functioning Federations can dispute the fact that there was a total unanimity amongst the trade unions on the matter of opposing privatization in coal industry in whatsoever form it may come. It was decided that advent of any such move would be responded by immediate action. Nonetheless, one cannot ignore the fact that opposition to disinvestment form an important agenda in the unity platform built at central level. In fact this earlier decision in the Federation level had formed the basis for consensus amongst five functioning Federations in Ranchi meeting of 27th. March. Accordingly an agreement was reached on a charter of demands with opposition to disinvestment in the focus. Randhi meeting had also adopted a phased programme of struggle which was to culminate into 72 hours strike effecting from 5th. May. Had the Federation leaders were serious about the commitment they made publicly from Ranchi how could they get victim of a fake sense about ‘Navaratna Pride’ and carried away into a reverse journey. If Trade union leaders scrutinize the course of event with a sense of introspection, they may find the recent developments in coal movement as an important piece of schooling. Coal India Officials may boast themselves for their capability to rouse a semblance of employers’ like ‘pride’ amongst the leading ranks in the Federation about ‘Navaratna’ status for Coal India and tried to subvert the demand for the retention of public status of ownership in the mining. There was no amount of logic which could suggest the central leaderships jumping a wrong notions as have been carried by some leaders in the Federations. This was surprising that the All India leadership of AITUC and BMS have taken little pain to investigate the issue with some details. As a consequence they could neither defend the interest of coal workers or their own policy on the question of ‘disinvestment’. They could not even defend the erring leaders down below which had been probably guiding their judgment.
The Coal strike has proved beyond doubt that if workers are adequately educated they never support any shortsighted divisive approach as arisen out of non class and narrow mindedness. If the emotions which was It believed that there were ways for persuasion and reconciliations. But sudden about turn of some federation leaders unwrapping Ranchi declaration and the overzealousness of coal ministry and Coal India combine to exploit the agreement with the leaders of three national federations to denigrate coal workers, had forced the AICWF to pursue Ranchi decision single handedly.
It would not be impertinent if it is said that the minutes signed jointly by the National Federations along with the Coal India management made 5th. May strike inevitable. This was signed on 16th. April in New Delhi at Coal Ministry office, ignoring the views advanced by CITU led All India Coal Workers Federation and HMS led Hind Khadan Mazdoor Sangh. It is now proved that the leadership of those three who signed the minutes had fallen victim to management’s ill advice and committed gross harm to coal workers. In the said memorandum of understanding, the leaders had agreed to surrender their right to oppose disinvestment and this ‘virtue’ has been committed in lieu of some insignificant miscellaneous. The Federations who were bound are INTUC led Indian National Mines Workers Federation, AITUC led Indian Mines Workers Federation and BMS led Akhil Bharatiya Khadan Mazdoor Sangh. Workers raised a simple question after this fateful agreement. Had the united trade Union movement failed to stop the way of disinvestment even after their sincere effort to mobilize mass of workers, issue could have been allowed to roll in its own course, instead of signing the ‘charter of surrender’. Workers took it a point of great disgrace that. Coal turned to be the first case in India when the leaders of three trade unions themselves came forward to sign hanging of ‘public right’ over public assets. Coal Ministry used this signed minutes as the memorandum of understanding and given instant and wide publicity.
When AICWF representative has been snubbed for his request to defer the implementation of disinvestment till a consensus is worked out between the management and negotiating unions, it was clear that the conclusion of the meeting was drawn before the date of the meeting was fixed. This had forced the painful and unkind division amongst the Federations. Only those who were present would be able to count the fact that the meeting of 16th. April which was convened at the behest of the Coal Ministry has been a pre-arranged meeting with a pre-determined conclusion. The desk has been cleared 14 o’clock noon. As said earlier, decision had broken a split in the ranks of trade unions in line of 3:2. The AICWF General Secretary who represented the Federation quitted the meeting after Chairman vacated the chair with the promise to return back for witnessing the signing ‘ceremony’ incidentally Hon’ble Minister of Coal himself chaired the session. Finally, HMS went with CITU and refused to sign the understanding which came in the form of a signed minute. This was the circumstances which had prepared the ground for 5th. May Strike. . The strike had to be commanded, if not for defending mines & workers from disinvestment but to save them from the disgrace heaped that as if the coal workers have accepted ‘disinvestment’.
The huge participation in the strike had made the campaign carried by AITUC led Federation accusing the strike call as the making of CITU, fallen flat. Similarly, the disinformation campaign carried by few leaders of BMS affiliated Federation which took an worst form when fraudulent SMS propaganda were carried to CITU ranks had been made frustrated by workers. All through 4th and 5th.May gossips were made to spread that strike that as if strike is withdrawn. Disinformation campaign did not stop there itself. The Coal India management tried all the worst to seal public communications between AICWF leadership and mass of the workers. This strike has educated the first hand experience how a powerful employer can manipulate electronic and print media which has mushroomed in all the coal dominated cities and colonies.
AICWF is posted with the incidences of distributing fabulous gift to media persons just couple of days before the strike. However, media have given little bit indulgence to reality also. Notwithstanding, there were no takers of all these lies and propagandas because of the reason that those leaders by this time had lost much of their credibility. Which had harmed them most was the refusal to come clear either to support the 5th. May strike or to declare an alternative date for a united working class action. Neither of these was possible for them as they were not capable to disown the legacy of memorandum of settlement they signed. The strenuous face saving exercises from the part of AITUC leaders had failed to rescue the leaders responsible for committing AITUC in a writing agreement to initiate the process of disinvestment in Coal. The leader/leaders did not know that the entire regiment of coal workers were witnessing the
Maneuvering enactment which was being staged in Delhi. This continued for more than an ten days and kept the matter of finalizing a common date for strike kept hanging till the evening of 3rd. May. The way the ‘awaiting’ was brought to end brought no grace for the central leadership in AITUC. They got themselves ended with an ‘appeal’ to CITU which came practically in tone of ‘managerial command’ asking the CITU leadership in the centre to force the AICWF for deferring the strike unconditionally
Which the leadership reasonably refused. In the meantime in their exercise to ‘unify’ the ‘check off fraternity’ a ‘saving’ operation, AITUC leadership could rope the HMS leader. Thus the ‘check-off fraternity’ thought, as if they at last have found a good ground to corner AICWF. But unfortunately, central leaders failed to realize that the extent of credibility have been lost to their leaders in Federations would not have been restored by taking negative approach. They did not recognize the other aspect of the crisis, which had widened the gap of trustworthiness with the Federation leaders. This mischief has been committed by the Coal India management through spreading disinformation and manipulations.
The success rate of the strike had been questioned even when the strike was yet to be materialized. The fifth strike has proved that when an act gets the class emotion is injured, a working class action do not go by any arithmetic calculation and in line of dominating influence. The strike has proved further that any class action if carried on class line and workers could be carried with its efficacy; a call of such action would always find wide response, even though workers are weak organizationally. The HQ of AICWF is informed that in many of the backward areas like Rajmahal under CCL (Jharkhand), Basundhara and Talcher under Mahanadi coal fields (Orissa) workers themselves at their own initiative had organized strike. If the rate of strike in ECL is taken at 85%, BCCL as 70%, CCL at around 45%, North Eastern Coalfield at 70%, strike rate in Coal India comes to around 60%, even if percentage is given to WCL at 40% and SECL at round 35% and 20% in NCL. In Mahanadi Coal Mines which is mined mostly by contractor workers, there were substantial strikes. In Coal India HQ and other offices in Kolkata and Dhanbad the strike rate was 90% and similar is the rate in the units under CMPDI. However, in Darbhanga house it was only 20% In respect of production, transportation and washing of coal the entire system has been disrupted. Gevra project of SECL which represents 24% of total production in Coal India the strike rate has been 60%; most of the washeries were closed. Contractor workers’ participation was large in all the coal companies. The fraternity aspects of the strike also were important. It is reported that about 15% of the total working strength in Singarani had struck work in support of Coal India workers. On the whole as it is assessed in AICWF HQ that if the emotion generated in course of preparation of the strike, strike rate should have been overwhelming. But it could not attained that height only because of the fact that organizers could not reach all the ten thousands odd pitheads after it became eminent in the evening of 3rd. May that AICWF alone has to go strike.
In the end, AICWF has no hesitation to note that the whichever, wrongs or misdoing are committed in the entire episode were basically the making of Federation leaderships. AICWF is indebted to the National leaderships of various centers for their effort to resolve the difficulties of the Federation. If they were not successful, blame should go to down level leaderships. Had the Central leadership been Adequately advised about the real depth of the crisis, probably they could have taken a realistic view.
The magnitude of the trauma which had gripped the mining families when incessant flashing of a ‘news’ item in TV screen had been rocking the dream which they kept living beneath their chest. It was the dream mixed with hope that – we don’t allow the return of the nightmare of the past. The leaders never tried to assess that the fall out of the wrong doings would not have been erased out by forcing a national trade union centre who could withstand a combined pressure to succumb.
This was not the experience of individuals but all the members who negotiated the memorandum of settlement with the Coal India that by the time they could reach their residence, they found TV screen had been roaring with the news of an awe-inspiring ‘victory’ – ‘the victory towards multi nationalization of coal industry.’ Thus, ‘16th. Evening’ had turned to be the blackest day for the Indian trade union movement during modern period, when disinvestment has been ‘negotiated’ and agreed in black and white. At the same time, that has been the ‘First Evening’ for the coal workers to realize their ‘political strength’ to influence the co-relation of strength.
AICWF still holds great regards for their Federation level leadership in HMS and their ranks. It is despite HMS led Federation’s going back from the strike in the last point. It was not an easy for withstanding the pressure from three major Federations and supporting the workers. They at their own initiative had served strike notices in all the companies along with AICWF. HMS led Federation maintained a high profile campaign in favour of the strike till the direction to separate itself came down from the HMS leadership. They addressed meetings almost everywhere. The author of this article had the opportunity to address number of such meetings over the pits. Those meetings were organized jointly by both the Federations. HMS campaign had been punctured by long distanced telephonic calls communicated individually from the highest leadership of HMS. The excuse given for withdrawal was amusing. If an imaginative ‘neglect’ towards the ‘leader’ could be shown as the justification for joining the ‘platform’ which had been marked earlier as harmful to the interest of miners and mining found friendly overnight.
However, whichever has happened is happened. AICWF will feel happy to carry lesson from the entire episode, instead of carrying forward bitterness of past mistrust. Despite all troubles and difficulties, it considers that it as the biggest relief for the coal workers that the happenings of last three months have brought them back to the same square where they were on 27rh. March. AICWF wishes to carry unity forward from this point. AICWF believes that in its relations with other National Federations, the content of unity still continued to be the dominating feature. AICWF announces its firm commitment for holding the flag of unity flying high and high. In this context AICWF considers the support from the national leadership as of supreme importance for bringing back all the Federations in the coal industry into the platform built on 27th. March in Ranchi. AICWF strongly believes that if the consolidation is delayed, the Management and the Ministry would try for going vindictive to shatter the unity platform for all time. The task of the ranks in various National Federations who have vindicated their desire for unity is identified in this point. The AICWF calls upon its ranks to prepare themselves for any kind of sacrifice in their carrying forward the campaign against the move to convert ‘public right’ into the grip of ‘private’ and to unite the ranks of all Federations.
Source: citu
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